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The Thirty year war (1618-1648)

     (Taken from the History of Lorraine published with the collaboration of  16 teachers - published by the Lorraine Society of local public studies, Nancy. Seat of the Society 13, Place Carnot - berger Levrault Editions 1939) p. 400.  Economic situation of Lorraine during the 30 year war.

The war.  It is useless to try and describe the military operations which were extremely confused: for the most part there was no strategy but it was left to chance, and for the most part, they were only justified by the necessity to  obtain food or the desire to plunder. We must add that the armies of both sides were international and did not obey just one command. There were no big battles but a number of small encounters: these troops were seen to fight civilians rather than their adversary. The unfortunate peasants usually did not know who they were dealing with: they called the Cavalry Croatians and the others the Swedes because they showed themselves more ferocious, often pursuing the Catholics from Lorraine to give way to their Protestant hatred.  Still today, in the Saar valley, the farmers blame the Swedes for the ruins that they still uncover.  The duke of Beauvau, from Lorraine,  shows in 1635 the region “inundated by all the beasts spoken of in the book of Revelations, namely the scum of all the nations: Poland, Hungary, Bohemia, Germany, Sweden, Lorraine, France, Spain, to whom the duke abandoned Lorraine. The six armies who lived then on Lorraine included some 150,000 men, an enormous number for a country hardly five times more populated; in addition and according to the custom of that time period, the armies were accompanied or followed by a number just as large of servants and women who were just as valiant in plundering. Their daily activity was to attack a village, for example Gorze, in 1634: 60 men are killed on the spot, 140 are made prisoners to be ransomed later and they were thrown in the cellars of the castle of Bassompierre, 69 houses are burned, the destiny of the women is left to the  mercy of whatever. This sort of thing happens over and over again, and causes the inhabitants to leave as soon as a troop approaches. The woods are a shelter for months without end for the fugitives, because the soldiers knew that there was nothing there to plunder and they were afraid of ambush.

   The plundering of Saint-Nicolas-de-Port, from November 4 to 11, 1635, was probably one of the worse happenings: the town, first it was invaded by 300 French horsemen, soon added to by many other contingents. It was ill-treated in a thousand ways and finely burned. The large cathedral was burned last after having greased all the wood work and framework with lard, to be sure that it would burn better.  There remained only the stone walls which were six days in the middle of the fire and were still red like coal. This place of pilgrimage never recovered fully from this devastation. 

   The journal of dom Cassien Bigot, prior of the abbey of Longeville les Saint-Avold, the one of the town clerk of Plappeville,

Jean Bauchez, the “remarks on several things which happened: of Pierre Vuarin, clerk in Etain, the notes of Jean Conrard of Malzeville, among other, give us a lot of living witness on the miseries of Lorraine.

   The resistance: the resistance was generally void. The scattered farmers had no arms: it was a game for example in 1636, for 6000 to 7000 Croatians, Poles and Hungarians to burn in a few days, 17 villages of the region of Montfaucon. However mention is made of the revolt of some Vosgiens who were mountain men between Fraize and Plainfaing and the heroic acts maintain in a few fortified churches in the area of Metz (Chazelles, Semécourt, Vigy, Sainte-Barbe) by some civilians determined to sell dearly their lives and who succeeded in tiring  the assaulters. But the reprisals were dreadful and most often a general massacre ended these few  resistance.

  With some good leaders, some discipline, and especially if epidemics had not decimated the population, a defense could have been attempted. The wife of a Colonel in the service of Charles IV, Barbe d’Ernecourt, dame of Saint Balmont, succeeded to make of her residence in Neuville en Verdunois a safe refuge and a center from where she directed some brilliant successes. She succeeded to protect her land and her flock and all those who entrusted her. Tallemand des Reaux says that “this Christian Amazone” (took prisoners? or killed ?) 400 men by her own hand. This energetic and Christian woman always ready to attack the enemy with the rosary in one hand and the sword in the other retired in 1659 in the convent of the Clarisses of Bar. Her example shows what the nobility of Lorraine could have done if they had not given way so easily to the calls of the duke who led them from one adventure into another, without any benefit for their land. Another example of feminine bravery is that of Catherine de Lorraine, sister of Charles IV abbess of Remiremont who valiantly defended this town in 1638 against Turenne.

  Desolation of the population.

  Threatened by the French army the residents of Nancy made an oath in 1633, to offer to Notre Dame de Lorette a relief plan of the city, old city and new city, with all it’s monuments, to renew it’s commitment and oath of fidelity.

  The text of the oath was taken to Lorette by the hermit of Sainte Geneviève, Joseph Girardin, and the silver table was finished and sent in 1658. Unfortunately the sanctuary was ransacked by the French in 1797 and the ex-veto of Nancy was victim 164 years later of the same armies against which they had asked the help of Notre-dame.

  The sad Charles IV, had a devotion which appeared sincere for Notre-Dame de Sion. He went there namely in 1631, after the  Vic treaty. From Mirecourt where he settled in 1662, he often made the pilgrimage to the hill and gave to the sanctuary the famous ciborium in the form of a globe which is now in the Museum of Lorraine in Nancy and in 1669, he raised a fund for Marie to which he had entrusted his subjects.

   The plague

 The troubles of the thirty year war were aggravated by epidemics which had started before. It is one more resemblance between the XVII and the XIV century, between the thirty year war and the hundred year war. In Lorraine the epidemics were relatively short and limited but of an extreme violence. It is also possible that the name of plague was given to various epidemics which were not necessarily justified by this diagnostic. This plague is reported in 1623 in the little village of Lessy (Moselle) where 180 people died, in 1629 in Charmes where the mortality is such that the bodies remained 15 days without being buried. The following year is the beginning of a general epidemic. At Easter, Nancy  (Ville-vieille = old city), then Toul, are contaminated; in Malzéville alone, 245 people die. The plague moves to the west, Toul, then Gondrecourt (240 dead). At the same period, it moves to the upper valley of the Moselle, Châtel for example is full of dead. After a slowing down in the winter, the plague starts again in April 1631 in Saint-Nicolas (351 dead.) The epidemic lasts 4 months in Reméreville, seven in Dombasle, 3000 people die in Toul in 1631. Starting in 1633, the movements of the troops caused the plague to spread: in Nancy  (ville-neuve) there are 1720 deaths in 1635 compared with 340 in 1630. In Charmes, from August to November 1635, 370 adults and 185 children died including the victims of the assault given by the French to the city. In Val-d’Ajol, the plague took the life of 500 adults in 1636. In Rambervillers, the population fell from 2,660 inhabitants in 1635 to 400 in 1643. In Metz, the years 1635-1636 were horrible and the garrison itself almost entirely wiped out: at one time up to 300 people were buried in one day - 6000 total for the month of November alone, according to the witness of the clerk Bauchez.  The survivors ran away to shelter themselves and from a population of 19,000 in October 1636, the population of Metz fell to 3,000 in 1643.

   The famine

    The famine was a consequence of the plague and at the same time of the war: there is nobody to cultivate the land, no more animals, and often no more equipment. In the upper part of the country, it is a complete return to cultivate the land with the shovel, unless people prefer to pull the harrow with human breast-collar. There was no more  business because merchants avoided the regions that were contaminated. In addition the army took everything to ascertain it’s own subsistence and constitute reserves in the strong holds. The misery was incredible because the entire population lived through the years with  soups made with grass, oatmeal, bran and grits sold by the city mills; one knew only barley bread. This famine raged also in Luxembourg, where it is said that 80,000 people died in 10 months and in Alsace where hordes of wretched creatures marched towards Champagne “the good land”, where it was said there was “lots of wheat.” In 1637, a traveler met  between Saverne and Metz, a group of 10,000 of these of which it is said that only one third may have arrived in Metz, because they were so weak that the road was lined up with dead and half dead ....  and of these only 6,000 reached the ditches of the city of Metz; they were not allowed to enter and they were thrown some food. Three thousand had died on the way. When they were pushed away towards the east, before reaching Saint-Avold, another 500 had already fallen, destined to become the prey of wolves.

  A Lazarist  shows in Saint-Mihiel, the women throwing themselves on a dead horse, filling their aprons with it’s corrupted meat. Even in the large cities, people died of starvation, in the street: it was the same scene which is seen today in Oriental Europe or in India, when famine happens; strolling corpses, parched skeletons, with eyes dilated by hunger.

   The depopulation

   The depopulation lasted longer than the plague and the famine. It was terrible and it has been questioned if it did not go over 50 % of the total population of the duches which was evalutated to a maximum of  800,000 men. In many regions, it reached the two third. 

   It is thanks to the request for tax exemptions and thanks to the lists of tax payers that we have an idea of this monstrous depopulation of Lorraine. In 1644, in Lunéville, there remained only 30 families. Frouard which counted 100 homes in 1633, had only 5 or 6 people in 1635. Crévic fell from 256 hearths to 10, Lay-Saint-Christophe, from 181 to 12, Laneuveville from 75 to 10, Villers-lès Nancy from 48 to 13 men “and three poor widows”; in Flavigny disappear two thirds of the population. Thélod, from 70 families to 25; Selaincourt, from 45 to 7; Mirecourt, from 331 to 70. Bettoncourt and Chauffecourt, from 60 men to 17. The people of Pont-sur-Madon died of starvation; in Chaouilley there remained only 2 people, in Mattaincourt and in many other villages, there is not even one resident remaining, only a few beggars searching in the ruins.

   The situation is the same in Barrois.

   The recovery was extremely slow. During over 20 years, in some areas, it was impossible to even raise one cent of tax. In 1642, the village the most populated of the area of Einville had only 16 residents. In the area of Dieuze, in 1655, it was still impossible to raise any kind of tax. In 1661, the people of Tannois (Meuse), which is desolated, are thinking of emigrating. Châtillon, which was abandoned during 16 years in the XVII century, had only 65 inhabitants a hundred years later, in 1750. The total disappearance of many villages which were ruined between 1630 and 1650, and have been definitively wiped out of the map are a witness of this desolation. There may not be another region in France which has had such  destruction - only 300 hundreds years ago - of some 80 villages.

© 2004, 2005 Jean-Marc Samson and Yvette Longstaff